Sheikh Abdullah & Modern Jammu & Kashmir

The historical evolution of Jammu and Kashmir from a princely state under autocratic rule to a democratic constituent of the Indian Union is a narrative dominated by the persona of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah. For candidates preparing for the Jammu and Kashmir Services Selection Board (JKSSB) examinations, the study of Sheikh Abdullah is not merely a biographical journey but a structural necessity for understanding the “General Knowledge with special reference to J&K UT” component of the syllabus. Known popularly as “Sher-e-Kashmir” (the Lion of Kashmir) and “Baba-e-Qaum” (Father of the Nation), his influence spans over five decades of political activism, revolutionary socio-economic reforms, and complex constitutional negotiations. This report provides an exhaustive, expert-level analysis of his life, his political maneuvers, and his enduring impact on the state’s administrative and legal framework, verified against valid government records and current administrative updates.   

Intellectual Foundations and the Genesis of Resistance

Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was born on December 5, 1905, in Soura, a suburb of Srinagar. His early life was shaped by the systemic marginalization of the Kashmiri masses under the Dogra monarchy. His educational trajectory is frequently tested in JKSSB exams as it represents the emergence of the first generation of modern-educated Kashmiri Muslims. Abdullah’s early education began in a traditional maktab in 1909, where he studied the Quran and Persian texts like the Gulistan and Bustan of Sa’di. He later attended a primary school run by the Anjuman Nusrat-ul-Islam and graduated from the Government High School, Dilawar Bagh, which required him to walk ten miles daily—a testament to his early dedication to learning.   

His higher education took him to Shri Pratap (SP) College in Srinagar and subsequently to the Islamia College in Lahore. He eventually obtained his M.Sc. in Physics from Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) in 1930. The political climate at AMU, characterized by anti-imperialist fervor and national consciousness, was pivotal in shaping his ideological outlook. Upon returning to Kashmir, he initially served as a teacher in a local government school. However, the refusal of the Regency Council, headed by G.E.C. Wakefield, to relax recruitment procedures for educated Muslims led Abdullah to resign and commit fully to the struggle against the feudal order.   

The Reading Room Party and the 1931 Catalyst

The intellectual base of Abdullah’s early activism was the Reading Room Party, established in 1930 in Srinagar. Since political associations were prohibited at the time, these reading rooms provided a clandestine space for the educated youth to discuss communal grievances and government policies. One of the first significant interactions with the government occurred in October 1930, when the Reading Room Party presented a memorandum to the Regency Council regarding government recruitment.   

The political landscape underwent a violent transformation on July 13, 1931, when 21 protesters were killed by police firing outside the Srinagar Central Jail. This event, historically observed as “Martyrs’ Day,” catalyzed a mass movement against the Dogra rule. Abdullah emerged as the central figure of this uprising, leading to his first arrest and subsequent rise as the undisputed leader of the Kashmiri masses.   

Political Reorientation: From Communal to Secular Nationalism

The need for a formal political platform led to the founding of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference on October 16, 1932, with Sheikh Abdullah as its President and Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas as General Secretary. While the party initially focused on Muslim grievances, Abdullah’s presidential addresses emphasized that the struggle was against oppression in all forms, regardless of religion.   

The evolution toward secularism was influenced by his introduction to Jawaharlal Nehru in 1937 and the advocacy of local thinkers like Prem Nath Bazaz. On June 11, 1939, after a prolonged campaign, the Muslim Conference was renamed the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference. This rebranding was not merely nomenclature; it signified a radical shift in the state’s political theory, aligning the Kashmiri struggle with the Indian National Congress’s anti-colonial movement.   

The Naya Kashmir Manifesto: A Socialist Vision

In 1944, the National Conference adopted the “Naya Kashmir” (New Kashmir) memorandum, which was submitted to Maharaja Hari Singh. This document served as the ideological foundation for the future state, proposing a constitutional democracy with the Maharaja as a nominal head. The manifesto was drafted with the assistance of progressive thinkers including B.P.L. Bedi, Freda Bedi, and K.M. Ashraf.   

The Naya Kashmir manifesto included a comprehensive charter for women’s rights, including the right to vote, equal pay for equal work, and maternity leave. More importantly, it outlined a “National Economic Plan” that prioritized the abolition of landlordism and the redistribution of wealth. This plan became the “Magna Carta” of social change in Kashmir, promising “Land to the Tiller”—a slogan that would soon become a reality.   

The 1947 Crisis and the Emergency Administration

The Partition of India and the subsequent tribal invasion in October 1947 created an existential crisis for Jammu and Kashmir. Following the invasion, Maharaja Hari Singh escaped to Jammu and appointed Sheikh Abdullah as the Head of the Emergency Administration to deal with the crisis. Abdullah’s administration worked in tandem with the Indian Army to repel the invaders and maintain communal harmony.   

On October 30, 1947, the Emergency Administration was formalized, and by March 5, 1948, Abdullah was appointed the Prime Minister of the state. This period was marked by significant administrative challenges, including ensuring food supplies over the snowbound Banihal Pass and establishing an indigenous militia to defend Srinagar.   

The “Land to the Tiller” Revolution: Big Landed Estates Abolition Act, 1950

One of the most transformative achievements of Sheikh Abdullah’s first tenure was the implementation of radical land reforms. These reforms were unique across the Indian subcontinent for their scale and for being executed without any compensation to the former landlords.   

The Big Landed Estates Abolition Act of 1950 (2007 Samvat) sought to eliminate intermediaries and transfer land ownership directly to the actual cultivators.   

The Act expropriated nearly 4.5 lakh acres of land from approximately 9,000 large landowners. This redistribution led to a significant decline in poverty, indebtedness, and homelessness in the state, contributing to J&K having one of the highest Human Development Indicators (HDI) in India in subsequent decades. However, the reforms were also criticized by some for targeting specific landowning classes in Jammu province, leading to long-standing regional debates.   

Constitutional Framework: Article 370 and the 1952 Delhi Agreement

The relationship between J&K and the Indian Union was codified through Article 370, which granted the state a special autonomous status. This was further refined in the 1952 Delhi Agreement, signed between Sheikh Abdullah and Jawaharlal Nehru.   

The Delhi Agreement formalized several unique provisions for J&K:

1. Sadr-i-Riyasat: The hereditary monarchy was abolished and replaced by an elected Head of State, the Sadr-i-Riyasat.   
2. State Flag: J&K was permitted to have its own flag alongside the Indian National Flag.   
3. Permanent Residency: The state legislature was empowered to define “permanent residents” and grant them exclusive rights to property and employment—a provision that was later incorporated into Article 35A.   
4. Limited Supreme Court Jurisdiction: The jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India was limited to disputes and fundamental rights as recognized by the state.   

Despite these agreements, political tensions regarding the extent of the state’s autonomy led to the dismissal and arrest of Sheikh Abdullah on August 9, 1953, under the orders of Sadr-i-Riyasat Karan Singh.   

Educational and Health Infrastructure Reforms

Sheikh Abdullah’s vision of a modern state extended to education and healthcare. In 1948, the University of Jammu and Kashmir was established to reform classical learning and integrate modern education. This era saw the reorganization of schools along the lines of the Punjab University and the introduction of liberal scholarships for meritorious students.   

During his second tenure as Chief Minister (1975–1982), he initiated the construction of the Sher-i-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences (SKIMS) in 1976, which stands today as a premier healthcare and research facility.   

The 1975 Indira-Sheikh Accord and Final Tenure

After twenty-two years of political exile and incarceration, Abdullah returned to power following the Indira-Sheikh Accord of 1975. The accord restated that J&K would continue to be governed under Article 370 but accepted the validity of various Union laws extended to the state since 1953. Abdullah transitioned from the title of Prime Minister to Chief Minister, marking a significant shift in the state’s administrative nomenclature.   

His final tenure focused on economic development and the consolidation of the National Conference’s political base. He remained in office until his death on September 8, 1982, after which his son, Farooq Abdullah, succeeded him as leader of the National Conference.   

Post-2019 Rebranding and Current Administrative Shifts

Following the abrogation of Article 370 on August 5, 2019, the Union Territory administration has undertaken a series of renaming and rescheduling initiatives to align the state’s historical narrative with national standards. For JKSSB aspirants, these represent the most critical current affairs updates.

Renaming of Institutions and Awards

The title “Sher-i-Kashmir” has been dropped from several key institutions and gallantry awards.

1. Police Medals: The “Sher-i-Kashmir Police Medal for Gallantry” and “Sher-i-Kashmir Medal for Meritorious Service” were renamed “Jammu and Kashmir Police Medal for Gallantry” and “Jammu and Kashmir Police Medal for Meritorious Service” respectively on January 25, 2020.   
2. Convention Centre: The “Sher-i-Kashmir International Conference Centre” (SKICC) was renamed “Kashmir International Conference Centre” (KICC) in March 2020.   
3. Renaming for Martyrs: In 2023 and 2024, the government renamed scores of schools and infrastructures after security personnel who died in the line of duty. For example, GPS SK in Anantnag was renamed after a martyr , and GDC Boys Anantnag was named after Late Himayun Muzamil Bhat, Dy. SP.   

Changes in the Official Holiday Calendar

The J&K administration has released official holiday lists for the years 2020 through 2026, which exclude several dates previously associated with Sheikh Abdullah’s legacy.   

The exclusion of these holidays has remained a point of political sensitivity, with the elected National Conference government in 2025 seeking their restoration, though the final authority remains with the Centre.   

High-Frequency Exam Topics

Candidates must be thoroughly familiar with the following “hot topics” that frequently appear in JKSSB previous year questions (PYQs) :   

• Instrument of Accession: Signed on October 26, 1947.   
• First Prime Minister of J&K: Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah (1948).   
• Abolition of Sadr-i-Riyasat: The post was redesignated as Governor in 1965.   
• Treaty of Amritsar: Signed in 1846; known as the “Sale Deed of Kashmir”.   
• Wular Lake: Largest freshwater lake in J&K.   
• J&K Reorganisation Act: The act that bifurcated the state into two Union Territories on October 31, 2019.   
• Martand Sun Temple: Built by Lalitaditya Muktapida.   
• The “Quit Kashmir” Movement: Directed against the Dogra Maharaja in 1946.   

Analytical Synthesis and Future Outlook

The role of Sheikh Abdullah in J&K history is characterized by a drive for radical socio-economic transformation and the pursuit of political autonomy. His land reforms, while controversial in certain divisions, provided a foundation for rural prosperity that is statistically evident in J&K’s low poverty rates compared to the national average. However, the constitutional framework he helped build—Article 370 and the 1952 Agreement—has been superseded by the events of 2019, leading to a new era of administrative integration.   

The ongoing renaming of institutions and the revision of the holiday list reflect a state-led effort to re-contextualize Kashmiri history, prioritizing the legal act of Accession over the local nationalist movement led by the National Conference. For aspirants, understanding this transition is key. The “Naya Kashmir” vision of the 1940s is being replaced by a contemporary developmental narrative that emphasizes direct Central governance and the “Purple Revolution” in agriculture (lavender cultivation).   

By weaving together the revolutionary reforms of the 1950s with the current administrative realities of 2026, aspirants can develop a holistic understanding of J&K’s unique political evolution. This knowledge is not just for clearing the exam but for understanding the administrative fabric of the UT they aspire to serve.

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Sahil Digra

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